Showing posts with label Australian construction. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Australian construction. Show all posts

Saturday, 16 November 2024

The HomeBuilder Program and Australian Housing

 State and federal governments criticised in COVID inquiry report 

 


The release of the COVID 19 Response Inquiry Report on October 28th included a section on the HomeBuilder program. This was the third report on HomeBuilder, following a KPMG report on the National Partnership Agreement in 2022 and an AHURI report on Responding to the Pandemic in 2020. There was also a review by PWC for Treasury in 2020. 

 

A book published in 1979 called The Construction Industry: Balance Wheel of the Economy argued counter-cyclical economic policy increased construction during recessions, through expenditure on public projects and the effect on residential building of lower interest rates. This has often been the case, in Australia the Rudd Government increased public expenditure on construction after the 2008 financial crisis and the Reserve Bank lowered interest rates to boost residential work after the mining boom ended in 2014. 

 

From this perspective, HomeBuilder was a conventional policy, introduced to counter the recessionary effects of the COVID-19 pandemic. In 2020 economic activity was decreasing and there were estimates of potential GDP losses of up to 20%. In a 2022 speech the Treasury Secretary Steven Kennedy said: ‘The pandemic was unlike any other downturn in recent history and precipitated the most severe economic downturn since the Great Depression. It was a health crisis before it became an economic crisis. Public health restrictions and cautious behaviour by people who didn’t want to catch the virus severely disrupted daily life and led to a sharp decline in output.’ 

 

Total Australian Government spending on economic support measures was $314 billion, or 15.2% of GDP. In that context, HomeBuilder was a minor program compared to the tens of billions spent on JobKeeper and other transfer payments. However, those were programs administered by the Australian Tax office for a large proportion of the population, whereas HomeBuilder was a targeted program administered by the states and territories with strict eligibility requirements. 

 

This post first outlines the program, followed by the relevant section of the Inquiry report, and the review of the National Partnership Agreement. It assesses the effectiveness and consequences of HomeBuilder. How accurate were the forecasts of expenditure on the program? What were the goals of the program and were they achieved? What were the outcomes? Is it an example of good policy, or of poor policy-making that did not consider industry characteristics and capacity? 

 

Outline of the HomeBuilder Program 

 

The program was introduced in mid-2020 to support residential construction by providing a grant of $25,000. Applicants had to have signed contracts between 4 June 2020 and 31 December 2020 to purchase a house and land package, build a new home, do a substantial rebuild or renovation of an owner-occupied property, or purchase an off-plan apartment or townhouse. Construction had to have commenced within three months of the contract date. On 29 November the program was extended to 31 March 2021, with the grant reduced to $15,000 and the commencement time increased to six months. In April 2021 the construction commencement time was increased to 18 months. 

 

There was an eligibility income cap of $125,000 for an individual or $200,000 for a couple, based on 2018-19 or later taxable income (the lack of clarity here became a source of confusion and an issue for the states and territories). There was also a cap on the value of new builds that differed between states, and on the value of renovations. However, the grant amount was the same everywhere for everyone, and the program itself was uncapped. 

 

The government underestimated take-up of the program. It was forecast to support 27,132 applications totalling $680 million, with the extension expected to add 15,000 applications at an estimated cost of $241 million. However, by June 2024 113,156 applications had been approved and $2.6 billion had been paid. Although applications closed in April 2021, there may be further costs as applicants have until 30 June 2025 to submit documents supporting their applications.

 

HomeBuilder was implemented through a National Partnership Agreement with the state and territory governments, which made the states responsible for administering the program. It was designed to complement existing state and territory First Home Owner Grants Programs, then all states except South Australia gave stamp duty concessions for new builds (whose value varied greatly but might be up to $40,000 depending on the house and location), and Western Australia, Tasmania and the Northern Territory added an extra ‘home building boost’. Combining HomeBuilder with the state and territory schemes, first home buyers in Western Australia and the Northern Territory could access $55,000 in grants, in Queensland, Victoria and Tasmania up to $45,000 in grants, and in NSW $35,000. The federal and state programs are in Table 1.

 

 

Source: AHURI 2020: 15. Responding to the Pandemic. The table does not include the value of stamp duty exemptions.

 

 

The COVID Inquiry Report

 

The report included a couple of interesting data points on construction during COVID. It noted industries with a large proportion of small businesses received most of the JobKeeper and Cash Flow Boost payments, including construction, which received $2.5 billion. These payments were made to employers. There was also a graph of changes to revenue for firms between 2019 and 2020 (p. 582), which showed 45% of construction firms increased their revenue, 30% had decreased revenue by up to 50%, and there were 15% of firms with revenue decreasing by more than 50%. 

 

The report focused on the inflationary effects of HomeBuilder. Between September 2021 and September 2022 the contribution of housing to quarterly inflation was between 20% and 40% of the total change in the consumer price index (CPI). The fiscal stimulus from government grants combined with existing labour shortages, exacerbated by border closures, and pandemic related supply chain disruptions that increased material costs. As a result, the cost of building a house increased by around 30% during COVID. 

 

Table 2. Construction contribution to quarterly inflation (% change)

                                    Sep 21  Dec 21  Mar 22  Jun 22   Sep 22

Construction                  0.35        0.37        0.56        0.52        0.67

Total CPI                       0.8           1.3           2.1         1.8         1.8

Source: COVID 19 Response Inquiry Report 2024: 59. From ABS data. 

 

The inquiry report found the program inappropriate and inflationary: ‘the HomeBuilder program created excess demand in an industry facing supply constraints. This has been a significant contributor to inflation coming out of the pandemic, and the program’s focus on renovations rather than new builds added to the general housing shortages. These types of demand-side stimulus measures are largely not appropriate in pandemics where industries are facing supply constraints’ (p. 549). 

 

A counter-cyclical increase of government expenditure in a recession is a common use of fiscal policy, and the construction industry is often targeted because it is both an employer of many workers and a major source of demand for domestic suppliers. The inquiry report concluded: ‘There are clear indications that the infrastructure measures taken – in particular, HomeBuilder – overheated the industry and contributed to inflation in the post-pandemic era. The program was designed explicitly to stimulate aggregate demand and support the residential construction sector. It acted to stimulate consumption expenditure and lowered the significant household savings built up during the pandemic. However, the measure failed to appropriately take into account the supply-side effects of the pandemic’ (p. 593) 

 

The section of the Inquiry report on HomeBuilder is unsatisfactory because, apart from the 113,156 applications received and the table on CPI, there is no other data. A review of the program that does not include houses commenced and completed, or people employed, is not comprehensive and does not allow conclusions to be drawn on the effectiveness of the program. That data is provided below when assessing the program. 

 

In an immediate response to the report ‘Master Builders Australia CEO Denita Wawn said HomeBuilder was the right policy for the time and should not become the scapegoat for systemic housing challenges.’ At the time of writing no other industry association has publicly commented on the report. 

 

Infrastructure Spending

 

As well as HomeBuilder, Australian governments significantly increased spending on infrastructure during COVID. The Inquiry report found by May 2021 the Commonwealth Government had committed $14 billion to infrastructure projects, and the 2021–22 Budget included an additional $15.2 billion over 10 years for road, rail and community infrastructure. Also in 2021, the New South Wales Government committed to $100 billion in infrastructure work, and the Queensland Government announced projects worth $52 billion. In both cases the projects were expected to be completed over four years. 

 

Figure 1. Engineering construction

Source: ABS 8762. Work commenced by the private sector. 

 

As Figure 1 shows, the public infrastructure projects announced in 2021 were commencing in 2022, and in the five quarters from March 2022 to March 2023 over $57 billion of public engineering work commenced. This was an unprecedented amount, for comparison, in the 2020-21 financial year public engineering work commenced was $21 billion. In 2021 private engineering commencements also began increasing, and both public and private commencements then peaked at the same time in December 2022.

 

 

HomeBuilder National Partnership Agreement Review: Stakeholder Consultation Report

 

The 2022 review of the National Partnership Agreement (NPAby KPMG found state and territory governments were not consulted on the design or implementation of the HomeBuilder program. The first they knew about the program was when it was publicly announced. This is somewhat ironic, given first the objective of the NPA was to create ‘a framework for the parties to work cooperatively, to provide financial assistance to eligible owner-occupiers to increase residential building and maintain jobs. No administrative funding was provided by the Commonwealth Government for establishing, running and reporting on HomeBuilder, despite the size of the program. 

 

The states and territories were responsible for administering the program, checking eligibility, and compliance and auditing. The review found ‘This created significant implementation challenges for these jurisdictions.’ There were also significant costs associated with assessing eligibility and the principal place of residence of applicants. The report also found insufficient clarity and guidance on the income caps, in the definition of substantial renovation, on citizenship requirements, and for cases where replacement contracts were required. Treasury ‘erroneously assumed’ existing First Home Owner Grant portals could be used. 

 

The review commented on the inflationary effect: ‘It could be said that the HomeBuilder did partially contribute to the constraints in supply of labour, materials and land that resulted from this industry overheating. However, it is critical to note that this would have been just one factor. Broader supply chain issues because of the COVID-19 pandemic were another, and much more impactful, factor.’ (p. 15).

 

Issues raised in the consultations with the states and territories were:

·       Did the eligibility criteria favour middle to high income earners?

·       Was offering the same amount for new build and renovations a fair approach?

·       Did the NPA consider state and territory ‘operating environments and industry contexts’ such as internal migration and their supply and demand balance?

·       Did HomeBuilder only benefit a small number of builders?

 

 

What Were the Outcomes of the Program?

 

The purpose of HomeBuilder was to increase residential building and maintain jobs by providing financial assistance to eligible owner-occupiers. Both of those objectives were achieved. The total number of people employed in construction in August 2020 was 1,145,814, a year later in August 2021 it had fallen to 1,114,644, but by August 2022 it was 1,251,601. Construction employment continued increasing through 2023 and 2024, reaching a record high of 1,358,239 in May 2024. 

 

As Figure 2 shows, residential commencements increased rapidly after the program started in mid-2020. The 42,475 houses commenced in the June quarter 2021 was an all-time record, well above the quarterly commencements of around 30,000 during the housing boom between 2015 and 2018. The increase for apartments was not as dramatic, although still substantial, rising from 15,070 in the September quarter 2020 to 22,913 in the June quarter 2021. 

 

Figure 2. Number of dwellings commenced

Source: ABS 8752

 

The combination of HomeBuilder induced demand with COVID supply chain disruptions had three effects on residential construction. First was the increase in completion times for houses. As Figure 3 shows, the industry usually delivers between 25,000 and 30,000 houses a quarter, less in the March quarter because of the January holiday, with most houses completed within 12 months. It took three years, until the December quarter 2023, to complete the extra 100,000 houses commenced in 2020 and 2021 during HomeBuilder [1]. There was less effect on apartment completions because the number of commencements was well below past record levels, so the volume of work was within industry capacity not above it. 

 

Figure 3. Number of dwellings commenced and completed

Source: ABS 8752

 

Second was the increase in the cost of inputs. Some of the materials and component price increases were due to global factors, but there were also significant increases in domestic prices and labour costs. As Figure 4 shows, the ABS input price index increased from 120 in December 2020 to 154 in December 2022.

 

Figure 4. Housing costs 

Source: ABS 6427

 

In the 12 months after the surge in commencements due to HomeBuilder, between the December quarter 2021 and December 2022, the price of basic inputs such as timber, plywood, glass, cement and steel all increased by around 15%. Some of the increase was due to higher energy and freight costs, and the other materials category was affected by plaster products because of a global price increase for gypsum. However, the main driver of these price increases was the high level of demand created by HomeBuilder and also, for concrete and steel, infrastructure projects. 

 

Figure 5. Construction input price changes to December quarter 2022

Source: ABS 6427

 

The increase in house building costs differed across the states. In the Reserve Bank’s November 2024 Statement on Monetary Policy the RBA commented: ‘Labour costs continue to contribute to ongoing cost growth, partly driven by the large pipeline of construction work and ongoing labour shortages for certain trades. Outcomes have varied across capital cities. Year-ended new dwelling cost inflation has returned to around its pre-pandemic average in Sydney, Brisbane and Hobart. By contrast, new dwelling cost inflation in Perth has increased further in year-ended terms, consistent with high demand for new homes and increases in labour costs’. The accompanying graph highlights how rapid and extreme the pandemic cost increases were.

 

Figure 6. Capital city cost inflation

Source: Reserve Bank of Australia, Statement on Monetary Policy, November 2024. 

 

 

Third was the increase in insolvencies between 2022 and 2024, as many builders on fixed price contracts entered into during HomeBuilder were unable to continue after cost inflation led to losses on those projects. Because of measures put in place to support industry during the COVID pandemic there were fewer insolvencies than usual in 2021-22, with a total of 1,639 construction businesses going into administration. The numbers for 2023 and 2024 show a substantial increase in total insolvencies from 2,812 to 3,882.

 

Figure 7. Construction insolvencies

Source: Australian Securities and Investment Commission

 

 Conclusion

 

A counter-cyclical increase in government construction expenditure is a common use of fiscal policy. However, the COVID Inquiry report concluded: ‘There are clear indications that the infrastructure measures taken – in particular, HomeBuilder – overheated the industry and contributed to inflation in the post-pandemic era.’

 

The purpose of HomeBuilder was to increase residential building and maintain employment, and it succeeded in both of those. There was a small decrease in total construction employment in 2021 of around 30,000, followed by a steady increase to a record 1,358,239 people in 2024. The program quickly increased housing commencements to record levels, but completion times increased and it took three years to complete the extra 100,000 houses commenced in 2020 and 2021.

 

The size of the program was uncapped and Treasury significantly underestimated the number of applications [2]. Their forecast for the cost of the program was $680 million, and the extension $241 million but, instead of $921 million, by June 2024 $2.6 billion had been paid. Although HomeBuilder was a minor program compared to the tens of billions spent on transfers through the Australian Tax office, it was targeted at a specific industry and administered by the states and territories. 

 

Over time the effects of the sudden increase in commencements financed by HomeBuilder became less positive. The COVID Inquiry report focused on the inflationary effect of the rapid increase in demand on the cost of housing, which accounted for up to 50% of CPI increases in 2021-22. The report concluded the demand side stimulus was not appropriate and ignored the supply side effects. The increase in residential commencements was not only due to HomeBuilder, which combined with first home owner grants, stamp duty exemptions, and other incentives given by state governments, all of which added to the excessive level of demand. 

 

Likewise, the increase in materials and component prices was not only due to HomeBuilder. Both the Commonwealth and the states also increased expenditure on infrastructure during COVID, which added to the inflationary effects. In the five quarters from March 2022 to March 2023 over $57 billion of public engineering work commenced, a record amount, and both public and private engineering construction commencements peaked at the same time in December 2022. 

 

There was a notable failure in policy making in 2020, governments and their advisors should have decided to target either residential building or engineering construction for stimulus. To simultaneously do both showed a poor understanding of construction industry characteristics and capacity, and ignored the obvious domestic and international supply side constraints during the pandemic. Also, governments would have been aware of rising private sector engineering expenditure when increasing their own spending. There is no evidence of industry being consulted or asked for advice at any point while these decisions were being made. 

 

The consequences of these poor policy decisions by state and federal governments have now become apparent. Over 8,000 construction businesses have become insolvent since 2021, many because of losses on fixed price contracts entered into under HomeBuilder, affecting thousands more customers, subcontractors and suppliers. The cost of inputs to housing construction have increased by around 30% since 2020, increasing house prices and making new houses unaffordable for many first home buyers. Further, the build cost of new apartments is now above the price of existing stock, so the apartment market is broken. Infrastructure projects have had cost increases and delivery delayed. 

 

There is a long tradition of increasing government expenditure on construction to counter economic downturns, however HomeBuilder was not good policy. Rather, when combined with the increase in public infrastructure spending, it is an example of reactive over-reach and poorly considered policy-making. Over the last two years inflation, and therefore interest rates, would have been substantially lower without HomeBuilder, as would house prices. That may be hindsight, and with COVID the circumstances were extreme. Nevertheless, the program did not take into account the characteristics and capacity of the construction industry, and at no point attempted to address the important supply side issues the industry had to deal with. Unfortunately, the implementation and size of the program demonstrated little understanding of the industry by governments and their advisors.


 

                                                                      *

 

[1] In the Australian Financial Review (1.11.2024)  the Stockland CEO Tarun Gupta was quoted: ‘pre-COVID it took his company 16 weeks to build a home, it doubled to 32 weeks in the pandemic, and is back to 20 to 22 weeks. He dubs it a new “resistance level”. Likewise, he says civil works for a 300- or 500-lot precinct used to take 26 weeks, blew out to 42 weeks in Victoria (the worst state at the time) and is back to 32 to 34 weeks.’

 

[2] None of the reviews of HomeBuilder looked at the Treasury forecasts or asked why they were so far off the mark. 

Saturday, 19 October 2024

Construction Productivity in Australian States and Territories Compared

 New estimates for output per hour worked 2011-12 to 2022-23

 

 


 

 

 

In September the Australian Bureau of Statistics released their estimates of hours worked by industry for state and territories. Combining those estimates with state and territory chain volume measures of industry Gross Value Added (GVA is output value adjusted for inflation) for the Construction industry gives GVA per hour worked, which is a measure of construction labour productivity. The ABS produces industry productivity estimates at the national level, but not for states and territories, so the construction productivity estimates here for the states and territories have not previously been available. 

 

The hours worked data starts in 2011-12, and the state industry GVA data is up to 2022-23, so this post covers the period 2011-12 to 2022-23. As Figure 1 shows, over that period there has been great variation between the states and territories in both their level and their trends in GVA per hour worked, which makes comparisons difficult. Therefore the post is in two sections. 

 

Figure 1. State and territory construction productivity 2012-2023

Sources: ABS 6150, ABS 5220 [1].

 

 

The first section of the post compares GVA per hour worked over the five years 2018-19 to 2022-23, looking at similarities and differences between the states and territories. The average of the quarterly shares of building and engineering work in total construction work done in each state and territory between 2018-19 and 2022-23 is also shown. All annual data is for the year ended in June.

 

The second section is on long-run trends in each state and territory between 2011-12 and 2022-23. This has the GVA per hour worked and average shares of work done data, plus the volume of work done to show the relationship between changes in work done and GVA per hour worked. Because of the great variation between the states and territories in GVA per hour worked, section two is organised as four sets of pairs: New South Wales (NSW) and Victoria; Queensland and Western Australia (WA); South Australia (SA) and Tasmania; and the Northern Territory (NT) and Australian Capital Territory (ACT). 

 

This analysis of trends and performance of GVA per hour worked looks at three factors: the effect of the mining boom and the average of the quarterly shares of building and engineering work in total construction work done; the effect of changes in the volume of work done; and the effect of the small size of the industry in Tasmania and the two territories.

 

States and Territories Construction Productivity 2019-2023

 

In 2023 four states had a similar level of around $70 GVA per hour worked: NSW, Victoria, Queensland and SA. Tasmania was closer to $65, and WA $85. However, the NT and ACT were highest with $94 and $118 respectively, and both the territories also had higher levels of GVA per hour worked than the states in 2022. 

 

As Figure 2 shows, GVA per hour worked in NSW and Victoria in 2023 is lower than 2019, and was the same in Queensland and Tasmania. In NT, ACT, WA and SA the level in 2023 is higher than the pre-pandemic level in 2019. Since 2019 WA had a higher level in all years than the other states except for NSW in 2022, although in 2020 the difference was only $2. 

 

Figure 2. State and territory construction productivity 2019-2023

Sources: ABS 6150, ABS 5220.

 

Clearly there is no common level of construction GVA per hour worked across the states and territories. Construction productivity varies from year to year both within and between them. Since 2019 productivity in the two territories has been higher and in SA and Tasmania, the two smallest states, lower than the largest states of NSW and Victoria. Queensland is close to SA and WA is close to the NT. 

 

One potential explanation for differences between the states and territories is the composition of output, the difference in the shares of building and engineering work in total construction work done, because there is evidence engineering work has higher productivity than building work due to larger projects with more heavy machinery and equipment used [3].  As Figure 3 shows this could apply to WA and the NT, which both have had a larger share of engineering since 2019 and higher productivity than other states. 

 

Figure 3. Shares of building and engineering work

Source: ABS 8755. Quarterly chain volume measures [3].

 

For other states the picture is mixed. The share of engineering in Queensland, SA and Tasmania was higher than in NSW and Victoria, but their productivity was lower. The ACT had the lowest share of engineering but the highest productivity. Unfortunately, differences between the states and territories in the share of engineering in construction work done cannot satisfactorily account for differences in GVA per hour worked since 2019, with the possible exceptions of WA and NT.

 

 

States and Territories Construction Productivity 2012-2023

 

The figures below show each state with their GVA per hour worked and value of construction work done (in inflation adjusted chain volume measures, so referred to here as volume). This also allows comparison of the size of the industry between states. 

 

NSW and Victoria

 

The level of GVA per hour worked in NSW and Victoria is very similar and for both has fluctuated around $70 since 2012. Until 2021 it was usually pro-cyclical, increasing as the volume of work done increased, but there were exceptions like NSW in 2018 when work done fell but GVA per hour increased and Victoria in 2016 when the volume of work done increased but GVA per hour fell. Then in 2022 in both states work done increased but GVA per hour worked fell.

 

Figure 4. Gross value added per hour worked and construction work done

Sources: ABS 5220, ABS 6150, ABS 8755. 

 

These states have the largest amount of construction work. The volume measures of work done in 2023 were around $80 billion for NSW and $70 billion for Victoria. The size of their markets means they are diversified across all types of work, and less affected by individual major projects. The states’ average shares of building and engineering were almost the same in the two periods 2012-18 and 2019-23, with higher GVA per hour worked and a higher share of engineering in NSW since 2012, an effect that became more noticeable after 2019. In 2023 the volume of work had risen to record highs in both states. 

 

After recent increases in regulatory requirements introduced to address building quality and safety issues, the high share of building work in these states may have required more people working on compliance. Although many might be working offsite, an increase in the number of people employed will have affected the industry’s productivity level. The high share of building work might also have given the CFMEU a significant role in these states, which may have affected their onsite productivity. Both these factors will apply to some extent to other states and territories as well. 

 

Figure 5. Shares of building and engineering work

Source: ABS 8755. 

 

Queensland and Western Australia

 

In 2014 the Australian mining boom peaked with the value of work done in these states reaching $80 billion in Queensland, mainly due to construction of LNG plants, and $70 billion in WA, mainly due to construction of new mines. The pro-cyclical nature of construction productivity is clearly seen in these states, GVA per hour worked followed the fall in the volume of work, which fell to around half the peak level, with GVA per hour worked declining by around 30 percent in Queensland and 20 percent in WA [4].

 

Figure 6. Gross value added per hour worked and construction work done

Sources: ABS 5220, ABS 6150, ABS 8755. 

 

Although all states were affected by the mining boom, these two are the most resource intensive and were impacted the most. The Queensland economy is larger and more diversified compared to WA, which is why the volume of construction since 2016 has been greater there. The high share of engineering construction at 60-70 percent in WA accounts for the very high level of GVA per hour worked there.

 

Figure 7. Shares of building and engineering work

Source: ABS 8755. 

 

 

South Australia and Tasmania

 

The volume of work done in these states is much lower than elsewhere. In 2023 it was nearly $16 billion in SA, where GVA per hour worked was similar to Victoria, and about $4 billion in Tasmania, where GVA per hour worked is lower and shows the big rises and falls associated with large projects commencing and completing in small markets.  

 

Although their GVA per hour worked is lower than NSW and Victoria, these states have had higher shares of engineering in their averages of work done. The small market effects probably outweigh the higher share of engineering in their level of GVA per hour worked. 

 

Figure 8. Gross value added per hour worked and construction work done

Sources: ABS 5220, ABS 6150, ABS 8755. 

 

Figure 9. Shares of building and engineering work

Source: ABS 8755. 

 

 

Northern Territory and ACT

 

The territories have distinctive characteristics. Both are very small markets, in 2023 the NT had about $3.2 billion work done and the ACT $3.9 billion work done. During the mining boom work done in the NT rose to over $11 billion in 2015, although some of the work will have been on defence projects, but GVA per hour worked did not peak until 2018. In the ACT GVA per hour worked took off in 2020 and increased by 50 percent, while the value of work done has been the same.

 

Figure 10. Gross value added per hour worked and construction work done

Sources: ABS 5220, ABS 6150, ABS 8755. 

 

The NT and ACT are at opposite extremes for shares in construction work done. The NT has the highest share of engineering work at around 70 percent of the total, similar to WA in 2012-18 but slightly higher in 2029-23, and the lowest share of building work. The level of GVA per hour worked is also similar to WA, and their similar levels of GVA per hour worked and share of engineering gives some support to the idea that engineering has higher productivity than building. 

 

However, the ACT complicates the picture, because the level of GVA per hour worked is higher but the ACT has the highest percent share of building work at nearly 80 percent of the total, and the lowest share of engineering work. 

 

 

Figure 11. Shares of building and engineering work

Source: ABS 8755. 

 

 

Conclusion

 

The ratio of hours worked to industry gross value added (GVA) is a measure of labour productivity. Using ABS data the level of construction GVA per hour worked for Australian state and territories can be found and compared from 2011-12, when the hours worked data starts, to 2022-23, when the state industry GVA data ends. In 2023 NSW, Victoria, Queensland and SA had a similar level of around $70 GVA per hour worked, Tasmania was closer to $65, and WA $85. The NT and ACT were higher with $94 and $118.

 

This comparison of state and territory trends and levels of GVA per hour worked looked at three factors: the effect of the mining boom and the average share of engineering in construction work done; the effect of changes in the amount of work done; and the effect of the small size of the industry in Tasmania and the two territories. 

 

The share of engineering work is very high in WA and the NT, and in Queensland up to 2018. During the mining boom the volume of construction work done there reached record levels between 2011 and 2014, before falling in Queensland and WA by around half to more typical levels from 2018. In WA work done fell by two thirds between 2015 and 2023. GVA per hour worked went up and down as it followed the rise and fall in the volume of work done, showing a strong pro-cyclical relationship between changes in their level of productivity and changes in the amount of work done. In Australia, the level of both GVA per hour worked and share of engineering is highest in WA and NT.

 

The relationship between GVA per hour worked, the share of engineering, and the volume of work done is not as clear in the other states and the ACT. In NSW and Victoria the volume of work done has increased over the last few years but GVA per hour worked has fallen. In SA and Tasmania, the volume of work done has increased over the last few years but GVA per hour worked has not, while in the ACT GVA per hour worked has increased but the volume of work done has not. 

 

The volume of work done varies greatly, with big states having larger and more diversified construction markets. In 2023 the volume of work done in NSW was almost $80 billion, nearly $70 billion in Victoria, and in Queensland almost $50 billion It was close to $40 billion in WA and $9 billion in SA. However, in the territories and Tasmania, the volume of work done is small, typically only $3 to $4 billion a year, and GVA per hour worked in these small markets increased and decreased by large amounts. This is probably due to the effect of large projects commencing and completing, and is particularly noticeable in the NT. 

 

These differences between the States and territories shows that productivity is affected by local factors such as the size of the market and diversification of work, particularly in the small states of SA and Tasmania, and the NT and the ACT. This might have two effects. The first is in the territories, where the commencement of large projects appears to lead to big changes in work done and a more volatile pattern in productivity. Compared to NSW and Victoria the territories have much more variation over time with big changes in the level of GVA per hour worked. The second effect might be seen in SA and Tasmania, where a factor in their lower level of GVA per hour worked compared to NSW and Victoria could be a less diversified market and more small firms.

 

Finally, is there a more misused and misunderstood concept than construction productivity? Misused because it is often linked to growth, but as a ratio of inputs to output, it does not measure growth in industry output. Misunderstood because it is assumed that no increase in labour productivity is ‘bad’ or ‘poor’ and means the industry is not developing capability or advancing in technology. 

 

In fact, the lack of growth in construction productivity probably indicates a high level of efficiency in an industry that has been refining it’s system of production using industrialised materials like steel, concrete and glass since the nineteenth century, and traditional materials like brick and timber for millennia. Once an industry is at or close to the efficiency frontier there is not much room for productivity growth [5].

 

Also, although the ratio of labour input to output has not decreased, which leads to higher productivity, there has been recent shift in employment from onsite to offsite with an increase in the number of people employed in designing, planning and managing construction projects. Some unknown proportion of these people will be working on BIM and other digital systems, as these technologies become more widely used and more firms become digitised. There will also be more people working on compliance due to recent increases in regulatory requirements introduced to address building quality and safety issues. 

 

Labour productivity is typically pro-cyclical and moves up and down with the building cycle and activity levels. Unlike other targets such as business investment, R&D or skills and training, the long-term nature of productivity means it is not suitable as a policy target. 

 

*

 

[1] ABS 6150 Modelled state and territory jobs and hours worked estimates by industry. Quarterly data annualised to June.

ABS 5220 State Accounts – Industry Gross Value Added for Construction, chain volume measures (the value of output minus the value of intermediate consumption adjusted for price changes). 

 

GVA per hour worked is industry GVA divided by the annual total of hours worked:

                                    Hours  million                                     Industry GVA                     GVA per hour

2023                       Annual total                                         $ billion                                  worked $

NSW                       694.4                                                          49,399                                     71

 

[2] Their different levels of labour productivity were analysed in a 2022 post on Construction Productivity Trends for Building, Engineering and Construction Services using GVA per person employed.

 

[3] ABS 8755 Construction Work Done, States and Territories, chain volume measures. The quarterly shares of building and engineering in total work done are averaged over the time period used.                    

 

[4] The effect of the mining boom was discussed in a 2023 post on The Long Cycle in Australian Construction Productivity using GVA per person employed. 

 

[5] This argument was made in a 2023 post Is Productivity Growth in Construction Possible?

 

 

 

Wednesday, 18 September 2024

Entry, Exit and Insolvencies in Australian Construction

 The number of businesses is at a record high



 

 

There has been a lot of attention on the increase in insolvencies of Australian construction businesses. In 2023-2024 the number of insolvencies was 3,882, which was the highest number across all industries, and the construction share of total insolvencies was 26 percent. However, the reporting of these numbers usually does not include any context, and therefore lacks perspective, and focusing on the number of insolvencies can be misleading if industry characteristics are not also considered. 

 

This post compares the insolvencies data from the Australian Securities and Investment Commission (ASIC) with the data available from the Australian Bureau of Statistics publication Counts of Australian Businesses. The ABS data gives the number of businesses that enter and exit each quarter, and the number of businesses operating at the end of each quarter, and is published quarterly with data that goes back to June 2020 in its current format.

 

The ABS data is based on Australian Business Number (ABN) registrations and sourced from Australian Tax Office records of businesses that file a business activity statement and pay Goods and Services Tax (GST). An entry is an ABN that starts paying GST or restarts after a break of more than five quarters. An exit is an ABN that is no longer actively trading because the business has cancelled their ABN, ceased remitting GST, or the ABN has changed due to a merger or acquisition. Therefore exits occur when a business has closed, has been sold, has significantly changed structure, or is no longer operating in Australia. Importantly, insolvencies are only a small proportion of the number of exits. 

 

 

Insolvencies

 

Data on insolvencies comes from the Australian Securities and Investment Commission (ASIC). There are three data sets: insolvencies where an external administrator is appointed for the first time; for any later appointment of an administrator to that business; and for voluntary liquidations where a solvent business reports it is no longer operating. Figure 1 shows this data for three years to 2024. In those years there were only 185, 213 and 170 voluntary liquidations of insolvent construction firms that ceased operating.

 

Construction insolvencies where an administrator or controller was appointed for the first time went from 1,284 in 2021-2022, to 2,213 in 2022-2023, then up to 2,977 in 2023-2024. This was a significant increase, and is the number that is typically used in media reports on construction insolvencies (e.g. Australian Financial ReviewMacrobusiness). 

 

A better number includes businesses failing for a second time, or more, after a restructuring and agreement with creditors that allowed a business to continue. There were 355, 599 and 905 of these in the three years, so there was a big increase in construction businesses going into administration again in 2023-2024. Adding repeat insolvencies to first insolvencies and voluntary liquidations gives the total for all insolvencies.

 

Figure 1. Australian construction 2022-2024

 


Source: ASIC

 

 

Construction does have the highest number of insolvencies compared to other industries, but the construction share of total insolvencies has not been increasing, and was 25, 27 and 26 percent in those years. This is higher than the construction share of the total number of Australian businesses, which is 17 percent, but construction also has a higher proportion of micro and small businesses than other industries. 

 

Two of the reasons why construction businesses are more likely to become insolvent are this prevalence of micro and small firms and the knock-on effects on subcontractors when a contractor goes under, where many of the unsecured creditors will be subcontractors on their projects. Most subcontractors are micro or small businesses, and many are extremely vulnerable to a contractor’s insolvency. Businesses employing less than 5 people account for 65 percent of all construction businesses, and these businesses have little capital and few resources. Micro and small businesses have a much higher insolvency rate than larger businesses. 

 

Because of measures put in place to support industry during the Covid pandemic there were fewer insolvencies than usual in 2021-22, with a total of 1,639 construction businesses going into administration. The numbers for 2023 and 2024 are more typical, and these show a substantial increase in total insolvencies from 2,812 to 3,882.

 

However, in June 2024 there were 452,626 operating construction businesses, so the insolvency rate was less than one percent. Further, there are many more businesses in Construction than any other industry. The industry with the second highest number is Professional, Scientific and Technical Services with 344,311 businesses, the third is Rental, Hiring and Real Estate Services with 298,764 businesses, and the fourth is Transport, Postal and Warehousing with 237,326 businesses.

 

Construction Industry Entry and Exit

 

How does the number of ASIC insolvencies compare to the ABS Count of Businesses data?

The ABS numbers for annual business exits are much larger than the number of insolvencies, and were 69,972 in 2021-2022, 78,667 in 2022-2023, and 81,354 in 2023-2024. Again, there was a substantial increase between 2022 and 2023 as pandemic measures were unwound, but the increase between 2023 and 2024 was not as great. 

 

Clearly, insolvency is not the main driver of exits from the construction industry, as the cumulative total was only 8,333 insolvencies over the three years. Some unknown proportion of exits will be businesses that have paused operation, and stopped paying GST for a couple of years, probably because of market conditions. 

 

The ABS data is quarterly, and for exits in particular there is a marked seasonal pattern, with a cycle that peaks in the December quarter and has a low in the March or June quarters. As Figure 2 shows, there is a different cycle for entry, which peaks in the September quarter. What is driving these regular cycles of entry and exit is a matter for speculation. Entries can be births (new ABNs) or other (an ABN that has been reclassified or restarted GST payments). For Construction, in most quarters there are more births than others, for example in the June 2024 quarter there were 12,229 births and 10,753 other entries. 

 

There are, over time, more entries than exits, except for the December quarter. The average quarterly number for exits since 2020 was 17,886 and for entries was 21,574. The net result is that the number of construction businesses has been increasing steadily since 2020, rising from 397,920 in June 2020 to 452,626 in June 2024, a 14 percent increase in the number of businesses. If the number of businesses is representative of industry capacity and the supply side of construction, these numbers suggest industry capacity has been increasing.

 

Figure 2. Australian construction 

 


Source: ABS 8165

 

The ABS also has overall entry and exits by employment size, although this is not given for individual industries. In 2023-2024 Non-employing businesses had an exit rate of 17.7 percent, and businesses employing 1 to 4 people an exit rate of 9.5 percent. These rates are much higher than those for larger businesses, those employing 5 to 19 people was 5.5 percent, businesses employing 20 to 199 people 3.1 percent, and those employing over 200 has an exit rate of 3.2 percent. As noted above, exit rates are not the same as insolvencies, but this is good evidence of a higher rate of insolvencies in the micro and small businesses that are the great majority of construction firms. 

 

The ABS calculates industry entry and exit rates as percentages, and Construction does not have the highest rates. As table 1 shows, there are many industries with higher entry and exit rates, although no other industry has a larger number of businesses than Construction. In the 2023 December quarter the exit rate was higher than the 5.8 percent for Construction in five industries, and around the same rate in five others. In the 2023 September quarter the entry rate was higher in six industries, and around the same in seven others. In those quarters for all Australian businesses the exit rate was 5.3 percent and the entry rate was 5.5 percent, so the exit rate for Construction was slightly higher and the entry rate exactly the same. 

 

Table 1. Number of businesses, entry and exit rates in peak months, by industry


 

 

Construction industry sub-divisions

 

The ABS also provides this data for the three industry sub-divisions. The numbers for operating businesses are of particular interest. In June 2024 there were 10,542 Engineering construction businesses, 108,764 Building construction businesses, and 332,320 Construction services businesses. These sub-divisions had 2.3, 24 and 73.7 percent of the total number of construction businesses.

 

The same pattern of a December quarter high for exits and a September quarter high for entries also holds for the sub-divisions, with December 2022 having the largest number of exits for all three sub-divisions. The March 2023 quarter was the low for entries for Building construction and Construction services, and March 2024 the low for entries in Engineering construction. Figures 3, 4 and 5 have this data.

 

Figure 3. Australian Building construction 

 


Source: ABS 8165

 

 

Figure 4. Engineering construction

 


Source: ABS 8165

 

 

Figure 5. Construction services

 


Source: ABS 8165

 

For all three sub-divisions the total number of businesses has been increasing. Between June 2020 and June 2024 the number of Engineering construction businesses went from 10,052 to 10,542, Building construction businesses from 90,722 to 108,764, and Construction services businesses from 296,246 to 332,320. As percentage increases over four years these were 5, 20, and 13 percent respectively. The average quarterly number of exits and entry between 2020 and 2024 for Engineering were 363 and 395 businesses, for Building were 4,666 and 5,837 businesses, and for Construction services were 12,858 and 15,543 businesses. 


Conclusion

 

ASIC data shows a total of 3,882 construction businesses becoming insolvent in 2023-2024, and the industry had the highest number of failures with 26 percent of all insolvencies. However, this needs to be kept in context, because Construction by far the largest number of businesses compared to other industries, and in 2024 had 17 percent of all businesses, and with over 450,000 businesses has a failure rate of less than one percent. It is misleading to claim Construction has an exceptionally high number of insolvencies. 

 

The ABS numbers for annual business exits are much larger than the number of insolvencies, and were 69,972 in 2021-22, 78,667 in 2022-23, and 81,354 in 2023-24. There was a substantial increase between 2022 and 2023 as pandemic measures were unwound, but the increase between 2023 and 2024 was not as great. Clearly, the insolvency of a few thousand businesses is not the main driver of exits from the construction industry.

 

The ABS data for exits has a marked seasonal pattern, with a cycle that peaks in the December quarter and a low in the March or June quarters. There is a different cycle for entry, which peaks in the September quarter. What is driving these regular cycles of entry and exit in Construction is a matter for speculation. 

 

Many industries have higher entry and exit rates than Construction, although no other industry has a larger number of businesses. In the 2023 December quarter the exit rate in five industries was higher than in Construction and around the same rate in five others. In the 2023 September quarter the entry rate was higher in six industries, and around the same in seven others. 

 

There are more entries than exits, except for the December quarter. The average quarterly number for exits since 2020 was 17,886 and for entries was 21,574, so the number of construction businesses has been increasing steadily since 2020, rising from 397,920 in June 2020 to 452,626 in June 2024, a 14 percent increase in the number of businesses. If the number of businesses is representative of industry capacity and the supply side of Construction, these numbers suggest industry capacity has been increasing.

 

For all three sub-divisions the total number of businesses has been increasing. Between June 2020 and June 2024 the number of Engineering Construction businesses went from 10,052 to 10,542, Building Construction businesses from 90,722 to 108,764, and Construction Services businesses from 296,246 to 332,320. These sub-divisions had 2.3, 24 and 73.7 percent of the total number of construction businesses, and their percentage increases over four years were 5, 20, and 13 percent respectively. 

 

Construction businesses are more likely to exit or become insolvent because two thirds are micro or small businesses employing less than 5 people, which have a higher rate of insolvency than larger businesses. Subcontractors are also vulnerable to the knock-on effects on their capital and cash flow of a contractor’s insolvency, where many of the unsecured creditors will be subcontractors. Although exit rates are not the same as insolvencies, the ABS data is good evidence of a much higher rate of insolvencies in the micro and small businesses that are the great majority of construction firms. This is an important piece of context that should be taken into account when considering insolvencies.